Part one: The long march to power A history of Black elected officials in Boston
Boston is often painted as the cradle of liberty, the city where revolutionaries plotted democracy and abolitionists defied slavery.
But for Black Bostonians, the story of political representation has been less about liberty ringing and more about scaling uphill battles, carving space in institutions never built for us.
The history of Black elected officials in Boston is both inspiring and sobering: trailblazers breaking into hostile arenas, victories that seemed monumental but often proved isolated, and a community forced to demand visibility in a city that prides itself on progressivism while sidelining its Black population.
Early barriers
When Massachusetts abolished slavery in 1783, Black men technically gained the right to vote. In practice, intimidation, disenfranchisement and structural barriers made real access nearly impossible.
Leaders such as Lewis Hayden and William Cooper Nell emerged as outspoken abolitionists and civic organizers but not elected officials. Through the 19th and early 20th centuries, Boston politics remained dominated by Irish and later Italian blocs, while Black communities were hemmed in by redlining, housing segregation and gerrymandering.
Breaking through
The mid-20th century marked a breakthrough. In 1949, Otis Gates became one of the first Black men elected to the Massachusetts House of Representatives from Roxbury. Soon after, Royal Bolling Sr. emerged as a pivotal figure, serving in both the House and Senate across the 1960s and ’70s. Bill Owens followed, making history as the first Black man in the Massachusetts Senate. Together, the Bollings and Owenses built one of Boston’s enduring Black political dynasties.
Their rise was intertwined with the Civil Rights Movement and grounded in the recognition that power would never be handed to Black Bostonians. It had to be fought for precinct by precinct, church by church, neighborhood by neighborhood.
At the same time, Massachusetts Republican Edward Brooke made history on a national stage.
In 1966, Brooke became the first Black person elected by popular vote to the United States Senate. His victory shattered one of the highest barriers of American politics and remains one of Boston’s and the nation’s most profound milestones. Brooke’s career proved that Black leadership from Massachusetts could resonate far beyond state borders, even as local representation remained fragile.
The mayoral ceiling
Yet Boston City Hall told another story. No Black candidate has ever come close to winning Boston’s mayor’s office. The most notable breakthrough came in 1983, when activist and legislator Mel King became the first and still only Black candidate to reach the general election for mayor.
King’s “Rainbow Coalition” uniting Black, Latino, Asian and progressive white voters was transformational, inspiring Jesse Jackson’s presidential run a year later. Yet King lost to Ray Flynn, and the establishment reinforced its barriers. Even in 2021, when Michelle Wu made history as the first woman and first person of color elected mayor, no Black candidate advanced to the general election. The unspoken message was clear: In Boston, Black political ascension still had limits.
Building local power
The creation of district City Council seats in 1981 opened new doors. Bruce Bolling, son of Royal Sr., became the first Black City Council president in 1986 a symbolic moment showing that Black Boston was visibly shaping city policy.
Others followed: Chuck Turner, Tito Jackson, Ayanna Pressley, Andrea Campbell. Each brought a distinct style — Turner the activist, Jackson the populist, Pressley the coalition-builder, and Campbell the reformer. Pressley’s 2018 election to Congress was groundbreaking, making her the first Black woman to represent Massachusetts in Washington. Campbell’s 2022 election as Massachusetts Attorney General marked another historic breakthrough.
Yet progress has remained precarious. Turner’s career ended in scandal. Jackson’s mayoral run fizzled. Campbell’s 2021 mayoral loss left Boston City Hall without a Black voice at the top. Representation has never been guaranteed; it has always depended on constant mobilization and collective effort.
The illusion of progress
Boston often points to these milestones as proof of progress. But while Edward Brooke’s Senate victory and Ayanna Pressley’s congressional seat remain monumental, the city has never built the kind of durable, intergenerational machine that Irish, Italian or progressive white networks enjoy.
Meanwhile, Black Bostonians continue to face disproportionate barriers in housing, education, public safety and economic opportunity. For every Bruce Bolling or Andrea Campbell, there are countless missed opportunities where community power could not be consolidated or sustained.
Why this history matters
This history should not just be celebrated; it must be studied as a call to action. From the abolitionists to Otis Gates, from Royal Bolling to Edward Brooke, from Mel King to Ayanna Pressley, the lesson is clear: Black political representation in Boston has never been inevitable, and it has never been secure. It has always required immense courage, sacrifice and relentless organizing.
Today, as voter turnout in Black neighborhoods plummets sometimes as low as 10–15% in municipal elections, we must confront a painful truth: Every ballot left uncast is a step backward from the sacrifices of our pioneers. Brooke, Bolling, King, Pressley, they all fought too hard for us to disengage now.
If Boston’s Black community does not turn the tide on voter engagement, history has already taught us what happens: No one else will save us from political invisibility. And that is why this series begins here, because the history of representation is inseparable from the urgent need to reignite voter participation in Black Boston today.
Jacquetta Van Zandt is a seasoned political strategist, commentator, and host of the podcast Politics and Prosecco, where she blends sharp political insight with accessible conversations on policy, power and civic engagement.
